Les Deux Maîtresses (GF-Dossier) (French Edition)

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He analyses various aspects of rebellion, its metaphysics, its connection to politics, and examines it under the lens of modernity, of historicity and the absence of a God. He then decided to distance himself from the Algerian War as he found the mental burden too heavy. He turned to theatre and the third cycle which was about love and the goddess Nemesis. Two of Camus's works were published posthumously. There is scholarly debate about the relationship between the two books. It was an autobiographical work about his childhood in Algeria. The publication of this book in has sparked a widespread reconsideration of Camus's allegedly unrepentant colonialism.

Camus was a moralist; he claimed morality should guide politics. While he did not deny that morals change over time, he rejected classical Marxist doctrine that history defines morality. Camus was also strongly critical of authoritarian communism, especially in the case of Soviet Marxism, which he considered totalitarianism. Camus rebuked Soviet apologists and their "decision to call total servitude freedom". Of the French collaboration with the German occupiers, he wrote: "Now the only moral value is courage, which is useful here for judging the puppets and chatterboxes who pretend to speak in the name of the people.


Camus leaned towards anarchism, a tendency that intensified after the s when the moral bankruptcy of the Soviet Union became evident. For Camus, this claim is ultimately grounded in human nature itself, which, among other things, is characterized by a strong impulse toward both spontaneity and creativity, and his commitment to a radically democratic "bottom up" form of political organization, as manifested in revolutionary trade-unionism or the Paris Commune of , is, arguably, most in keeping with this fundamental condition of human flourishing.

Politically, therefore, whether in or , Camus is best understood as a libertarian socialist or, more exactly, an anarcho-syndicalist—anarcho-syndicalism being the theory that politics should begin with voluntary associations of cooperative, labor-based groups rather than the state. Graeme Nicholson , considers Camus an existentialist anarchist. Camus kept a neutral stance during the Algerian Revolution. Camus also supported a like-minded Algerian militant, Aziz Kessous.

Camus travelled to Algeria to negotiate a truce between both belligerents but was met with distrust by all parties. When confronted with the dilemma of choosing between his mother and justice, his response was: "I have always condemned terrorism, and I must condemn a terrorism that works blindly in the streets of Algiers and one day might strike at my mother and family. I believe in justice, but I will defend my mother before justice. He was sharply critical of the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

He wrote an essay against capital punishment in collaboration with Arthur Koestler , the writer, intellectual, and founder of the League Against Capital Punishment entitled Reflexions sur la peine Capitale , published by Calmann-Levy in Born in Algeria to French parents, Camus was familiar with the institutional racism of France against Arabs, but he was not part of a rich elite.

He lived in very poor conditions as a child but was a citizen of France and as such was entitled to citizens' rights; the Arab and Berberic majority of the country were not. Camus was a vocal advocate of the "new Mediterranean Culture". This was a term he used to describe his vision of embracing the multi-ethnicity of the Algerian people, in opposition to "Latiny", a popular pro-fascist and antisemitic ideology among other Pieds-Noirs —or French or Europeans born in Algeria.

For Camus, this vision encapsulated the Hellenic humanism which survived among ordinary people around the Mediterranean Sea.

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Camus also supported the Blum-Viollette proposal to grant Algerians full French citizenship in a manifesto with arguments defending this assimilative proposal on radical egalitarian grounds. He advocated for economic, educational and political reforms as a matter of emergency. He wrote a series of articles reporting on conditions, and advocating for French reforms and concessions to the demands of the Algerian people.

When the Algerian War began in , Camus was confronted with a moral dilemma. He identified with the Pieds-Noirs such as his own parents and defended the French government's actions against the revolt. He argued the Algerian uprising was an integral part of the "new Arab imperialism " led by Egypt, and an "anti-Western" offensive orchestrated by Russia to "encircle Europe" and "isolate the United States". During the war, he advocated a civil truce that would spare the civilians.

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It was rejected by both sides who regarded it as foolish. Behind the scenes, he began working for imprisoned Algerians who faced the death penalty.

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  • In their eyes, Camus was no longer the defender of the oppressed. Camus once confided that the troubles in Algeria "affected him as others feel pain in their lungs.

    Even though Camus is mostly connected to Absurdism , [64] he is routinely categorized as an Existentialist , a term he rejected on several occasions. Camus himself cited his philosophical origins ancient Greek philosophy, Nietzsche , 17th-century moralists whereas existentialism arises from the 19th German philosophy such as Kierkegaard , Karl Jaspers and Heidegger.

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    He thought that the importance of history held by Marx and Sartre was incompatible with his belief in human freedom. On the other hand, Camus focused most of his philosophy around existential questions. The absurdity of life, the inevitable ending death is highlighted in his acts. His belief that the absurd—life being void of meaning, or man's inability to know that meaning if it were to exist—was something that man should embrace.

    His anti-Christianity, his commitment to individual moral freedom and responsibility are only a few of the similarities with other existential writers.

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