The deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament are in their traditional places in the Christian canon, not set apart at the end of the Old Testament as would become the Protestant fashion if they were printed at all , and the much-loved Prayer of Mariasses destined ultimately to disappear even from Roman Catholic Bibles appears at the end of Second Chronicles. Yet there are indications that Clarius was not unaffected by humanist criticism of the Christian canon. Prior to the first book of Samuel, he reproduces Jerome's prologue on canon with its expressed preference for the more restricted Jewish canon.
Furthermore, while the Hebrew canonical books receive an annotation in fine italic print which occupies the bottom one-third of a typical page, the deutero-canonical books rarely have any notes at all. Annotation would therefore be impossible, unless one wished to philosophize upon this mass of errors, as too many exegetes had already done. Clarius' Sources My attention was first drawn to the Clarius Vulgate by striking textual reminiscences of the work of the Strasbourg Reformer, Martin Bucer, on the Psalms.
These suggested that Clarius might have used as sources more than the Munster Bible that Simon had detected, that perhaps this north Italian biblical humanist with known links to the reform movement in the Italian church might have had a particular affinity for the exegesis of the evangelical upper Rhineland school, that sodalitas of humanist Biblical scholars in Strasbourg, Basel and Zurich. Limiting this study to the Old Testament, though it corresponds to what was for Clarius the principal task, leaves as a desideratum another examination of his New Testament revision and notes.
The Bible was quickly repro- duced in several Lyon and Antwerp editions, any one of which Clarius may have possessed. A comparison of the other readings wherein his text differs from a common form of the received text shows that he is consistently following the Estienne The only marginalia in Clarius' Vulgate are biblical cross-references which correspond at most points precisely to those of the Estienne edition.
Like the latter, Estienne avoids attribution of the received text to St. He is concerned to preserve and enhance the integrity of the Vulgate; but the many disparities between it and the Hebrew would trouble any reader setting it alongside one of the new translations. Accordingly Estienne has included a set of marginal notes gleaned for him by an unnamed scholar from Jewish as well as Christian sources, employing diacritical marks in the fashion of Origen and Jerome to identify for the reader the Latin's divergences from the Hebrew.
Where, however, "our translation [i.
Now that the work is done, let the Church's leaders be judge of its utility. In the 90 verses in our study there are about 20 changes indicated, while a further 14 are tacitly adopted these last almost certainly from his model Estienne. As might be expected the poetry of the Song of Hannah and the Psalms is more frequently revised than is the prose of Genesis.
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Overall the ratio of revisions to verses is Next in importance is the multi-volume Bible with verse-by-verse com- mentary from the erstwhile Franciscan and teacher of Miinster, Conrad Pellican. Since Pellican was teaching Hebrew Scriptures in Zurich. By the early 's, there could have been no doubt of the heretical provenance of biblica printed by Froschauer of Zurich! In fact, Pellican would have been an attractive tool.
Like Clarius, the former Franciscan remained committed to the ongoing place of the Vulgate in the church. Its elucidation by means of variant readings from the Hebrew often placed in parentheses within the text could be hoped to serve to perpetuate "the venerable authority of the popular translation amongst the Christian people.
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The first is the paraphrased Psalter of Jan van Campen Campensis , the second the massive commentary on the Psalms by Bucer of Strasbourg. Each of these is much more significant in the annotations and their discussion can be left until later. First and foremost, he exercises his own judgement in their deployment. It is apparent that he often passes over emendations proposed by both Estienne and Pellican.
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He obviously dislikes the contemporary fashion of giving common names a more Hebraic form e. Moscheh for Moses ; and resists the impulse, for example, to turn the "paradise of pleasure" of Genesis 2,8 into the "Garden of Eden" Though he takes cognizance of the Hebrew interjection Selah in a note at Ps 3,5. Hebraisms he avoids where their introduction would not contribute materially to the understanding of the literal sense. Thus at Ps 3,6 he retains "exsurrexi" with its Christological overtones, though "evigilavi" is given by Miinster, Pellican and Estienne.
On the other hand he can take bold action where he deems it warranted. In Psalm 14 there were in the Vulgate three units of text not present in the Hebrew: the phrase "non est usque ad unum" at the end of v. Perhaps because of its Christological application, Clarius does not follow his contemporary sources, retaining the offending member in v. The other two however are dropped, the former without even an explanation and in defiance of what more traditional scholars consid- ered Pauline warrant for its inclusion.
This is consistent with his operating principle, which called for him to avoid revisions not strictly neces- sary for the sense, drawing attention instead to the variant in the notes. Annotations of this sort are often but a few words, whereas those that elucidate difficult passages can be considerably more extensive. On the ninety verses in our seven passages, there are 59 formal notes, which become 72 when those that combine two or more verses are broken up.
Moreover another seven are given in the edition. Thus the ratio of notes to verses is As might be expected this often takes the form of a gloss of the Hebrew not thought important enough to insert as a revision.
In the prophets. Munster furnishes the historical introduction that begins the annotation of each book. From Miinster too Clarius draws explana- tions of Hebraisms or of features of the ancient world, and occasionally a quote from the Targum or a mediaeval rabbinic comentator. Very frequently Clarius uses Miinster verbatim.
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At places in the prophets Pellican seems behind one-half the notes; he contributes less in Genesis and Samuel, and very little in the Psalms. Pellican's format was a paragraph of comment per verse of text. From this Clarius occasionally lifted a phrase verbatim; more often he paraphrased an idea in his own words.
This style of use makes identification of borrowings less simple than with Miinster; there are occasions when one wonders if both authors may be reading a common source. Yet enough is certain to permit the observation that Clarius appreciated Pellican's combination of an historico-literal interpretation with moralistic observations, that he found attractive Pellican's emphasis upon Christ in the Old Testament and the displacement of Israel as people of God by the Church. On the other hand he usually ignores the Zuricher's allegorizing and hardly surprisingly, his Protestant propaganda.
Obviously attracted by the work, Clarius borrowed heavily, in the process making his Psalms annotation much lengthier than for any other book. A notable feature of Bucer' s work is his quest for an historia, that historical moment that stimulated the composition of individual psalms, in whose light the details of the text may be expounded. From Bucer Clarius adopts a number, though by no means all of these; but their place in his notes is small.
In this respect he is, like Pellican, more drawn to the Christological application of the Davidic materials. Jan van Campen Campensis , professor at the Trilingue in Louvain, published at Nuremberg in dL Paraphrase of the Psalter, after permission had been refused in Brussels. Jerome, sometimes with the rendering by Zwingli! Campensis spent two years in Italy, for a time in the household of Reginald Pole, for a time in Rome under Contarini's patronage.
He was thus almost certainly known personally to Clarius, who will have found Campensis' fervent biblical humanism and irenical zeal congenial with his own temperament. In the three psalms studied, phrases from Campensis occur on ten occasions.
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Finally, the Estienne Bible, whose major role in the text revision has already been discussed, contributes also to the annotations, its marginal notes occurring from time to time as examples of alternative ways of translating the text. The sources with which Clarius is working are never identified by name. This may be prudence, in the light of the taint of heresy that attached to several.
It also corresponds, however, to his practice when he makes use of rabbinical materials found in Munster and Bucer. Unlike these two, who generally name the source they are quoting, Clarius falls back on the traditional "certain Jews," or simply cites without any reference at all. In Isaiah in particular, he seems to have had a source beyond Munster and Pellican; could this have been notes from Campensis' lectures in Padua? If Clarius naturally omits Protestant propaganda, he is not interested in scoring the heretics.
Thus although very attracted to Bucer's exposition of Psalm 19, when the latter disparages those neoterici who erect false dichotomies between Law and Gospel, Clarius ignores this mild barb directed at Luther and Bugenhagen. One cannot conclude this discussion of the annotation without a word of comment on the absentees. If as we have seen, three leading exegetes of the upper Rhine school are amongst his authorities, others of their colleagues apparently were not.
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